Unity Challenges before Myanmar's Spring Revolution

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The Spring Revolution forces are estimated to control roughly 38% of the country’s territory, leaving over 50% of Myanmar beyond military's control, with the rest contested. Yet President Duwa Lashi La of the National Unity Government (NUG) candidly admitted that formidable challenges remain due to a lack of unity. Multiple coordination bodies have been formed, such as the Steering Council for the Emergence of a Federal Democratic Union and the Political Coordination Body, a local group composed of experienced politicians, including a former leader of the 88 Generation U Mya Aye. The National Unity Government (NUG) and interim administrative bodies for Sagaing, Mandalay, and Magway have formally agreed to establish a “Joint Working Group” to synchronise and strengthen public administrative mechanisms across their respective federal units. 17 revolutionary organisations, including the Three Brotherhood Alliance partners, the MNDAA and TNLA, have issued formal congratulatory messages to commemorate the 17th anniversary of the founding of the Arakan Army (AA) on 10 April, 2026.  

The Karen National Union (KNU) officially announced on 10 April, 2026, the ratification of the Kawthoolei Charter, to govern the Karen territories during the revolutionary period and beyond, focusing on the construction of a Kawthoolei Federal Unit. To implement the mandates of the new Charter, the KNU has established two primary bodies: the Kawthoolei Consultative Council (KCC) and the Kawthoolei Governing Council (KGC)

Yet a framework for federalism, to be led by the NUG, is lacking.

The National Unity Government’s Spring Revolution's success will be based on unity among ethnic armed organisations (EAOs), People’s Defence Forces (PDFs), and political factions, creating a common platform for federalism, autonomy, and military strategy. Fragmentation has deepened as several resistance groups accuse the NUG of weak coordination, ineffective leadership, and limited support to frontline fighters. Many EAOs now operate autonomously, eroding the NUG’s claim to be the central authority of resistance. Despite these challenges, the NUG retains symbolic legitimacy, international engagement, and broad public support. Its survival will depend on improving unity with EAOs, strengthening command structures, and demonstrating credible governance alternatives to the junta.

One option is to create a constitutional framework for Federal Myanmar, to be debated and elite and public opinion shaped as an alternative to the 2008 Constitution. Karenni, Karen, Kachin, Chin, Sagaing, Magwe, and Mandalay federal units should be recognised. A leadership summit must be convened — bringing together top figures from the Ethnic Revolutionary Organisations, the NUG, the NLD, the CRPH, the NUCC, and emerging federal units to operationalise the state and federal constitutions jointly is essential.

K 2, a Senior Executive at the Institute for Peace and Social Justice – IPSJ, writing in the Mizzima, suggests, “A codified constitution addresses this directly by establishing a 'One Policy, One Strategy' mandate — standardizing interoperability, joint command, and, ultimately, civilian supremacy over all armed forces”. Providing a political alternative to the military-led government’s drive for NCA is essential, as this vision document has yet to be drafted.