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The Wheels
Within Political Wheels
Nepal’s
many power struggles were evident during July. At the first level the conflict
within the Unified CPN M or Maoists between the three main leaders, Chairman
Dahal and Vice Chairmen’s Baburam Bhattarai and Mohan Vaidya occupied a
significant amount of time. A month plus was lost in this internal power
struggle of the Party and the scene shifted to inter Party conflict between the
Maoists, the Nepal Congress and the CPN UML only by end July. At the end of the
parleys, all the three party satraps, Dahal, Mohan Baidya and Dr Baburam
Bhattarai got their own men in key positions either in the Parliament or in the
government.
But the Prime Minister Mr Jhalanath
Khanal who is aligned with the Maoist Chairman Dahal was left in a quandary. He
had to take in new ministers in the cabinet nominated by the Maoists. Khanal
seen a part of ultra leftist alliance with Maoist Chairman Dahal was forced to administer oath of office and
secrecy to the newly nominated ministers of the UCPN (Maoist) and Madhesi
Janadhikar Forum on 1 August despite strong reservations from his own party
(CPN-UML) as well as the Nepal Congress. This move indicated loss of support for Mr Khanal and it is only time that he
resigns.
This may lead to another wave of
political uncertainty in the country with both the Nepal Congress and the
Maoists likely to vie for the Prime Minister’s post in a national unity
government. Until this phase is over and the inter party power relations are
rationalized progress in the peace process is unlikely. There is therefore all
the more reason to believe that a second extension of the Constituent Assembly (CA)
would be due for another three months from August to November.
But the Unified
CPN M internal struggle has thrown up interesting power equations. Chairman
Dahal was confronted with a united front by Vice Chairmen’s Bhattarai and
Baidya. They suspected that Dahal had been playing one against the other to
retain his upper hand. Finally matters were settled when Dahal surrendered some
of his powers in the parliament and the party to the two subordinates. The
alliance is unlikely to survive given that Bhattarai and Baidya have deep
political differences. The former is for a federal democratic Nepal while the
latter sees the current peace process as a tactical phase in the strategic path
of people’s revolution in the country. There is however positive development
with the Baidya faction stepping back from its extreme stance and willing to accept
the path of electoral democracy for the time being. The hardliners have also
agreed to send back PLA personnel in their security detail to the cantonments,
something they had so far declined to do, once alternative arrangements are in
place. Thus on the whole the Maoist infighting has resulted in some gains
though a lot of time has been lost.
India’s
concerns of political instability in Nepal and impact on the country’s internal
security were well highlighted by the Home Minister Mr P Chidambaram in a meet
with Editor’s in New Delhi. Mr P Chidambaram said, “If there was an elected stable
government in Nepal that would help build capacity too very quickly. Unfortunately,
Nepal has had virtually a caretaker government for many, many months, which
means the attention of the government is largely directed towards solving
constitutional issues.” The Home
Minister is possibly worried about two issues, one
is the Nepalese Maoists links with the Indian Naxal which are essentially
ideological but some signs of material support also exist. The second link is
that of Nepal acting as transit route to Pakistan’s intelligence activities
with fake currency conduit being the main concern.
Given
that Mr Baburam Bhattarai has been nominated by the Maoists as the Prime
Ministerial candidate, there should be a push from the Indian side to have him
in place by putting pressure on the Nepal Congress which would be amenable to
Indian minions. This would lead to establishment of a national unity government
and hopes of some progress on the peace front.
Even
if such a government is established there is just not enough time for
completion of integration of PLA cadres and drafting the Constitution. The Special Committee for
integration of guerrillas has to deploy a 120-member team at the cantonment
sites to conduct official survey of interests and plans of 19,000 plus
combatants. The teams working in four groups need 60-63 days for completion of
work. Thus sheer logistics will defy successful completion. More over there are
differences in the formation of the armed force proposed on who should lead it,
what should be the mandate, how rank structure will be harmonized and what
would be the structure of the rehabilitation package and cash handouts. All
these are likely to involve some hard bargaining by all sides and will be time
consuming.
Similarly while basic framework of a
draft Constitution is ready there are major differences on the form of
government, the electoral system and federalism, which may take weeks if not
months to resolve given the stakes that parties have in the forthcoming
Constitutional structure.
As for end of August, the best case
scenario appears to be commencement of regrouping of combatants and also talks
by main parties on the Draft Constitution. Even this modest objective seems
unreachable at present.
With
the Economic Survey indicating a growth of merely 3.5 percent, Nepal is in for further
woe and this would have major outcome in the political field as well. While the
agricultural sector has done well or reasonably well to record a growth of 4
percent plus the industrial sector is at just about 0.3 percent. This is almost
in the negative region and is the direct result of political instability in the
country as the investment climate has not been conducive for growth. More over
primary industries in Nepal were set up by Indian companies who have been
vilified thereby many have either closed down their plants or have lowered
their production targets. The campaign by Maoist trade unions against the
industries has also affected growth.
The succession plan of the military
is now in order. Gen Gaurav Shumsher Rana was promoted to the post of Lieutenant
General and will succeed Chief of Army Staff (CoAS) Chhatra Man Singh Gurung.
Gurung retires on Sept 9, 2012. As the Nepal Army moves from control of the
sovereign to that of an elected government it would have to evolve a
transparent promotion policy particularly for higher ranks. While previously
the King had the prerogative and apart from seniority other factors such as
loyalty had a bearing now these cannot be allowed to hold priority over
seniority and professional competence.
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